Alternative
Budget Suggestions
for the State of Arizona
Relative to Criminal Justice
March 2002
Introduction:
Recently, Arizona Department of Corrections (ADC) Director Terry
Stewart has appeared in print, radio, and television media pleading
his case with the people of Arizona. He is concerned about the
impact of state budget cuts on the Department of Corrections.
The Department faces cuts in services and staff layoffs, as do
many other state agencies. This document is intended to answer
Mr. Stewarts concerns. The measures contained herein would significantly
decrease the costs associated with corrections in the state of
Arizona. Mr. Stewart does not have the power to enact most of
the changes suggested here. We hope that the Arizona State Legislature
will see the utility of the suggested changes and that the public
will support our representatives in enacting policies that are
smart on crime, save taxpayers money, and reduce the recidivism
rate.
We wish to make it clear that we are not trained
statisticians. We have researched these issues to the best of
our abilities and have drawn common sense conclusions from the
data to which we have access. The results were not meant to be
exhaustive; instead they offer general indications of potential
savings. We also realize that there would be some overlap among
the different populations studied; for example, many drug offenders
are non-violent and were convicted under mandatory minimum sentencing
guidelines. We recognize that state budgets are intricate and
complex undertakings. This document represents our effort to ask
questions and make suggestions regarding the potential for these
reforms to positively impact the state of Arizona. In several
cases, we discovered that the state does not keep statistics on
the issues or populations in question, so we opted to extrapolate
from federal figures. We hope that the experts in state government
will take the lead in further researching these suggestions and
computing the exact cost savings possible with each.
Background:
The 1990's were a time of unprecedented growth for correctional
systems across the country. As inmate populations soared, the
costs associated with housing them rose as well. In the early
1970's the inmate population of Arizona was around 2,000 inmates.
At the end of 2000, that number had grown to 26,747. This represents
a per-capita increase of 464%. It is now estimated that there
are 28,000 people in the Arizona Corrections system. The budget
of the Arizona Department of Corrections (ADC) grew as well, swelling
132% from 1992 to 2002. It is estimated that one out of every
14 general fund dollars spent in the US in 2000 was spent on prisons1.
In 2000, the Arizona Department of Corrections absorbed almost
10% of Arizona's General Fund dollars.2
The expansion of the prison system across the country has been
fueled by the incarceration of non-violent offenders. The percentage
of non-violent offenders held in state prisons grew 82% between
1980 and 1997. Unfortunately, we were told that statistics from
the 1970's were unavailable. The latest figures indicate that
57% of Arizona's inmates are non-violent offenders. In 2000, a
full 34.6% of Arizona prisoners were first-time, non-violent
offenders. The numbers are even more staggering when gender is
factored in: 32.8% of males and an astounding 56.9% of females
were incarcerated for a first-time, non-violent offense3. Nationwide,
non-violent offenders accounted for 77% of the growth in intake
to state and federal prisons between 1978 and 19964.
The engine behind the commitment of so many non-violent offenders
was the mandatory sentencing reforms of the 1990's. California's
infamous "Three Strikes and You're Out" law was just
one example of a nationwide rash of sentencing policies that mandated
longer terms for lower-level drug offenses. These policies took
away the discretion in sentencing from judges and delivered it
to prosecutors. If convicted, an individual was required to serve
a set sentence, without regard for mitigating factors. It also
increased the penalties for many offenses-essentially making certain
crimes "more illegal" than they once were.
A February 2002 report by the Justice Policy Institute
(JPI), a policy development and research body affiliated with
the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, outlines a series
of issues that policy makers can consider as they make budget
decisions5. We at the American Friends Service Committee feel that
these guidelines are an excellent tool and that it behooves us
to examine them in light of our current situation. Accordingly,
we have outlined them here, along with relevant information and
statistics regarding the specific factors at play here in Arizona.
We are also noting, where appropriate, the projected savings that
such measures might mean for the Arizona budget.
In most examples, we have simply calculated the potential
number of people diverted from the prison system and multiplied
that number by $22,000, the cost of imprisoning one person for
one year6. With this basic formula, we can project a rough estimate
of the potential cost savings of the suggested measure.
Cost-Cutting Measures for Criminal Justice
Systems:
A. Reform Mandatory Minimum sentencing laws
As discussed above, these sentencing laws are the
driving force behind the exponential growth of the prison system
and largely affect non-violent drug offenders, many of them women.
Many states have already enacted reforms to these laws and others
are considering such changes in light of budget cutbacks. Such
reforms can literally save millions of dollars, as in the case
of Louisiana, where a recent bill to eliminate mandatory minimums
for non-violent crimes is expected to save the state about $60
million. This legislation will reduce sentences for some drug
and non-violent offenses and eliminate mandatory minimums for
non-violent crimes. It also amends Louisiana's three strikes law
to require that all three "strikes" be for violent or
serious offenses7.
Unfortunately, we were unable to find any statistics
kept on the number of people in Arizona who were imprisoned under
mandatory sentencing laws. It is uncertain whether the State of
Arizona is tracking these cases or looking at statistical trends
related to their use. Therefore, we must make some educated projections.
Given that the majority of mandatory minimums are applied to drug
offenses, if we assume (conservatively) that just half of the
inmates doing time in Arizona for drug offenses in 2000 were convicted
under mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines, that would be 2,670,
or roughly 10% of the total prison population. If these individuals,
all of them non-violent offenders, were instead diverted into
intensive outpatient drug treatment programs (at a cost of $2,500
per person per year) the savings would be tremendous:
Under the current system:
2,670 X $22,000 (per year for incarceration) = $58,740,000
In intensive treatment
2,670 X $2,500 (per year for treatment) = $6,675,000
Savings to the state: $52,065,000
B. Nonviolent prisoners and Special Populations
As we have shown, there are large numbers of people
serving time in Arizona's prisons for non-violent and first-time
offenses. In Arizona, this represents approximately 16,000 individuals.
In addition, there are specific populations that pose little risk
to the public and cost the state enormous amounts of money to
house and care for, such as elderly prisoners, chronically ill
or dying prisoners, and women.
Women are still the fastest growing inmate population
nationwide, and 70% of the women held in state prisons are there
for non-violent crimes. In Arizona, 77% of female inmates are
non-violent offenders. As reported earlier, in 2000, 57% were
also first-time offenders. A full 40% of women were incarcerated
on drug and alcohol offenses (possession, drug dealing, and DUI)8.
Almost all women prisoners are classified by the prison system
as low-risk. The costs associated with incarcerating women are
considerable. They often require more extensive health care services.
In addition, 69.4% of Arizona's women prisoners have children,
and many of these are thrown into the child welfare system when
their mothers are imprisoned. The costs, both financial and societal,
associated with placing high numbers of children in foster care
are sobering. In addition, research has shown that children of
incarcerated parents are at high risk for becoming incarcerated
themselves9. In effect, in continuing to rely on incarceration
for these women, we are ensuring increased prison costs down the
road.
At the same time, there are numerous examples of
diversion programs for non-violent women offenders, particularly
those who are pregnant or have young children. These programs
combine treatment, education, parenting assistance, job training,
and other social services in order to offer the women alternatives
to criminal behavior. Such programs can be run by independent
non-profit organizations which cost the state little to nothing
to run.
In Arizona, only 512 of the state's 2,195 women prisoners
were convicted of violent offenses. That leaves 1,683 non-violent
women inmates. If just half of these could be diverted into an
intensive community treatment program, the costs to the state
would decrease significantly.
1,683 X $22,000 = $37,026,000
1,683 X $8,500 (cost of intensive outpatient treatment
and intensive supervision) = $14,305,500
Savings to the state: $22,720,500
Elderly prisoners represent another population that
poses little risk to the public, yet costs a great deal to incarcerate.
About five percent of Arizona's current prisoners are over 55
years old. Within a decade, due to longer sentences, 20% of American
inmates will be over 55, and that number will rise to 30% by the
year 2030. Due to higher health care costs, these inmates cost
three times more to incarcerate than younger prisoners. Arizona's
Truth in Sentencing laws and the abolishment of parole in the
state will ensure that more and more people will be growing old
behind bars. The state of Virginia has passed legislation allowing
early release of inmates over the age of 65 who have served a
minimum of five years or those over 60 who have served at least
10 years.
1,282 elderly Arizona prisoners X $66,000 per inmate
per year = $84,612,000
Similarly, Texas has passed a bill to ease overcrowding
by allowing supervised release for chronically ill prisoners to
more appropriate facilities. The cost of care for chronically
and terminally ill inmates is staggering, and there can be little
doubt that such individuals pose a negligible risk to public safety.
Unfortunately, we were told that the Arizona Department
of Corrections does not keep any centralized statistics on the
number of inmates requiring health care for chronic or terminal
illnesses. Therefore, we must turn again to national statistics
for some indication of the potential impacts on Arizona. According
to the Bureau of Justice Statistics' Special Report, "Medical
Problems of Inmates, 1997," 1.1% of state inmates had heart
problems, .2% cancer, .9% diabetes, 1.7% AIDS, .9% kidney/liver
problems, 1.4% respiratory problems, and .7% neurological problems10.
This adds up to a total of 6.9% of state inmates across the country
with what can reasonably be termed chronic illnesses. When applied
to the Arizona population, this would represent about 1,932 inmates.
1,932 X $22,000 = $42,504,000
Total savings to the state (all three proposals):
$149,836,500
C. Drug Policy Reform
Here in Arizona, we have already enacted some limited
programs to ease the burden of low-level drug offenders on the
system. Arizona voters passed Proposition 200, which diverts drug
offenders into treatment rather than prison. A recent report by
the state Supreme Court shows that the program has high success
rates, with 62% of participants successfully completing the program
requirements. This program saved the state seven million dollars
in fiscal year 1999.
It is estimated that a full 85% of all inmates' offenses
were "drug related" in some way. In other words, even
if the person was not convicted for having or selling drugs, it
is likely that he or she committed the crime either in an effort
to obtain drugs (theft, burglary) or while under the influence
of drugs. Drug dependency is a health condition. If drug abuse
were properly addressed, the root cause of a large percentage
of crime in America could be eliminated. A study conducted by
the National Committee on Community Corrections, a Washington,
D.C.-based research and advocacy group, showed that intensive
drug treatment costs only $2,500 per person per year11. Intensive
supervision for offenders costs about $6,000 per person annually.
What's more, these programs are more successful than incarceration
at preventing future crime. Properly designed, well-run treatment
programs that combine treatment, supervision, and needed services
such as education and job training had a recidivism rate 20% lower
than programs that did not provide these services12. This saves
the state even more money in the long term by preventing crime
and therefore reducing future prison populations.
Were Arizona to pass a similar law, and if just half
of the non-violent offenders in the Arizona Department of Corrections
were paroled under this program, that would mean about 8,000 fewer
inmates. At $22,000 per year per inmate, such a program would
save Arizona taxpayers $176,000,000.
8,000 people X $22,000 per inmate per year = $176,000,000
8,000 X $8,500 (combined treatment and supervision)
= $68,000,000
Savings to the state: $108,000,000
D. Comprehensive sentencing reform
According to the Justice Policy Institutes' report,
sentencing guidelines lower the rates of prison admissions and
incarceration in states where such guidelines are designed to
utilize correctional resources effectively. A study by the Vera
Institute of Justice showed that these guidelines lower state
incarceration rates by 72 per 100,000 residents13.
Senate Bill 1387, which has been introduced in the
Arizona State legislature, would establish a Sentencing Commission
to review the state's existing sentencing structure, laws, policies,
and practices and recommend to the state Supreme Court and Legislature
any changes regarding the criminal code, rules of criminal procedure,
and other appropriate policies and procedures.
Given the Vera Institute's calculations, such a bill
might save the state of Arizona a considerable sum. According
to the 2000 US Census, the population of Arizona was 5,130,632.
If the prison population were reduced by 72 per 100,000, that
would mean a reduction of 3,694 inmates.
3,694 X $22,000 per inmate per year = $81,268,000
E. Parole Reforms
Unbeknownst to most people, Arizona abolished the
institution of parole in 1994 in favor of so-called "Truth
in Sentencing" legislation, in which prisoners are required
to serve 85% of their sentences. However, research has shown that
the public supports prevention and rehabilitation efforts as responses
to crime14. Parole and "good-time" have been shown to
be effective ways to control prison population levels.
Like Arizona, the Texas Parole Board was approving
fewer and fewer parole requests throughout the 1990's. Confronted
with the costs associated with more prison construction, Texas
made a conscious decision to use their release powers more effectively
by identifying more potential candidates for parole. In addition,
parole officers used more alternatives to revocation for minor
violations to conditions of parole. The result was a parole revocation
rate that went from a monthly average of 1,062 to 781, and a total
prison population that was reduced by 7,698.
Conclusion:
Changes come slowly, but as a state we must begin
utilizing the research that has been conducted on alternatives
to incarceration, not only to help us during these times of fiscal
uncertainty, but also to guide us on a more rational budget path
for the long-term. Examples have been highlighted in this document
that could help the state of Arizona move towards a more equitable
criminal justice system while at the same time using far fewer
resources.
The Department of Corrections 2001 budget shows a
projected budget increase, based on expected inmate population
growth, of approximately $11 million for FY 2002 and $20 million
for 2003. If these monies were instead invested in sentencing
reform and alternatives to costly incarceration for non-violent
offenders, the cost savings to the state could be enormous.
Legislators and citizens of Arizona have some tough
decisions to make concerning crime, its associated costs, and
how to best address it. We can begin making those decisions now
based on "best practice" methods, or we can ignore our
responsibility and reap the consequences in the future. The choice
is up to us.
The American Friends Service Committee is an international non-profit
organization that advocates for human rights and social justice
the world over. Founded in 1917 by Quaker conscientious objectors
to WWI, today the AFSC has programs that focus on issues related
to economic justice, peace-building and demilitarization, social
justice, and youth, in the United States, and in Africa, Asia,
Latin America, and the Middle East. The Arizona Area program office
conducts programs in the areas of non-violent conflict resolution,
challenging economic globalization, and criminal justice.
1. Greene, Judith and Schiraldi, Vincent, "Cutting Correctly:
New Prison Policies for Times of Fiscal Crisis," Executive
Summary. February 7, 2002. Justice Policy Institute.
2. Appropriations report, FY 2000-2001 Supplemental Adjustments.
Arizona State Legislature
3. Arizona Department of Corrections; 2000 Annual Report: www.adc.state.az.us:81/AR2000/stats00.htm
4. Greene and Schiraldi
5. Greene and Schiraldi
6. Physician Leadership on National Drug Policy, AP Report,
3/18/98 as cited in Families Against Mandatory Minimums, "Smart on
Crime: Revisiting America's Approach to Sentencing Drug Offenders,"
www.famm.org
7. Policy in an Era of Fiscal Restraint." February
2002. The Sentencing Project
8. Arizona Department of Corrections, "Who's In Prison?" December
31, 2001
9. Bloom, B. (1993) "Why Punish the Children? A Reappraisal
of the Children of Incarcerated Mothers in America," The
IARCA Journal of Community Corrections, 6, 14-17.
10. Maruschak, Laura M. and Beck, Allen J, PhD., BJS statisticians. "Medical Problems of Inmates, 1997," Bureau
of Justice Statistics, January 2001, NCJ 181644.
11. Cusac, Anne-Marie, "What's the Alternative?," as
cited in: www.motherjones.com-debttosociety.
2001
12. Petersilia, Joan. 1997. "Decade of Experimenting with Intermediate
Sanctions: What Have We Learned," Presented in Perspectives
on Crime and Justice, 1997-1998 Lecture Series. National Institute
of Justice: Washington, D.C.
13. Greene and Schiraldi
14. Peter D. Hart Research Associates for the Open Society
Institute, "Changing Public Attitudes Toward the Criminal Justice System" Summary
of Findings, February 2002.
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